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The Pharmaceutical Journal
Vol 270 No 7247 p626
3 May 2003

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Vexed topic [more]
Carpenter's boy [more]
Passing the word [more]


Vexed topic

There are times when I feel convinced that the ongoing arguments over the merits and hazards of genetically modified crops have become tedious and non-productive. On both sides of the dispute logic and reasoning have given way to temperamental outbursts in which the truth is impossible to distinguish from sheer uncritical sentimentality.

In New Scientist for 5 April there is a reasonably pitched debate between scientists who take different views of genetically modified products. The various points raised are worth considering, in the hope that more evidence will be forthcoming and assist us towards coming to a balanced view.

In the first place, one argument for modification is that the increasing needs of growing populations for the mere necessities to preserve life call for more agriculture and better ways of averting disease among crops. This may well be true, but in fact half our trouble with starving populations is that other populations consume food to excess. Indeed, they do so to the point where obesity has come to be a world problem among developed nations, while no one seems to have the will to distribute more to the poverty-stricken. Moreover, farmers in many places are pressured into reducing food production because too much upsets the market. So while we lament starvation we promote "set-aside" policies in order to keep up profits. And the tremendous drive to develop genetically modified crops is maintained by globally active commercial corporations and supported by politicians who are really not in a position to judge what they are talking about.

On the other hand, we have the scientists who cannot agree on the possible risks in extending time-honoured breeding techniques into the introduction of exotic genes into genomes. There used to be a concept in safety evaluation called the precautionary principle, meaning that when in doubt, cut it out. In general we apply this principle to new drugs and formulations, but do not extend it to other materials that have become necessities in our civilisation. Evidence is scarce and often inconclusive.

Again, there is the sore question of economic bias. So many scientists, even those in universities, have grown to depend on some degree of commercial backing to keep their research going and, if pressure is put upon them, it may take enormous objectivity and courage to resist a slanting of the data. As Colin Tudge comments in the debate I have quoted: "Many scientists are alarmed that so much food and farming research is now financed by industry. It is clearly easier to publish results that support the industry line." And while it is clearly arguable that genetically modified organisms might play an important role in food production, the reality is that the prime move in developing effective techniques is to industrialise, corporatise and globalise food technology without paying due attention to possible short-term and long-term hazards involved.

As Virgil put it in the first century BC, mankind suffers from auri sacra fames, "an accursed hunger for gold." Other considerations come in second place.

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Carpenter's boy

In March, to start National Science Week, the Royal Society of Chemistry paid a tribute to William Whewell by laying a wreath on his memorial in the chapel of Trinity College, Cambridge. His varied contributions to the world of learning are many, but in particular he is credited with inventing the word "scientist", a title that we use without thought. It was Samuel Taylor Coleridge who in the early 19th century asked his friend Whewell if he could coin a more concise term for what had been known as "natural philosopher" or "man of science". At about the same time Michael Faraday persuaded Whewell to invent the new terms anode, cathode and ion.

William Whewell was born in 1794 in Lancaster, one of the seven children of a carpenter-joiner. He was originally destined to follow his father's trade but the master of his local grammar school was so struck with William's intellectual capacity that he insisted on his pursuing more advanced education instead of entering the family workshop. At school the boy made the close acquaintance of Richard Owen, the future famous naturalist, an encounter which added to the wide scope of his later studies. In 1811 William was awarded a scholarship to Trinity College, Cambridge, where he went in 1812. There he became friendly with John Frederick William Herschel, who went on to become the celebrated astronomer, and other notables of the scientific world.

Whewell became an original member of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, founded in 1818, and was a mathematics tutor in the university. He wrote several textbooks on the subject and was elected to the Royal Society in 1820, later becoming master of his college and a vice-chancellor of the university. His wanderings on the Continent prompted him to write on architecture. He was also interested in theology and took holy orders in 1825. For some years he held a university chair in mineralogy, and wrote on tides, electricity and magnetism. While horse-riding in the Gog Magogs (hills near Cambridge) in 1866 he was thrown from his steed, became paralysed and died. His was a most extraordinary range of interests.

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Passing the word

Indigenous knowledge of herbs and their healing properties goes back to the dawn of civilisation but it is only in recent years that we have exploited such knowledge for commercial gain. The claimed misappropriation of remedies known to primitive tribes of humans and their over-exploitation under the protection of patent law is the subject of controversy.

A study of the sharing of ethnobotanical knowledge among Amerindians living in Bolivia, by a group of anthropologists, appears in Science for 14 March. The authors point out that firms producing pharmaceutical, agricultural and cosmetic goods have used the ethnobotanical knowledge of indigenous tribes for commercial purposes, without due concern for payments which should be forthcoming to those tribes for imparting their details.

They also state that we do not know much about the way in which such indigenes share their knowledge of herbs with one another. To discover something of this background they studied socioeconomic and botanical data from two villages occupied by the Tsimane tribe of Amerindians living in the Bolivian lowlands. They randomly selected 21 plants and asked their informants whether such plants were used for medicine, firewood, tools, constructions and food, and studied the responses in relation to individual villages and the whole group. The results indicated that the sharing of ethnobotanical knowledge was greater within a single village than between villages.

In view of the growing consensus that when a wild plant is selected by outsiders for exploitation as a source of medicine the indigenes should be consulted and given a share of any benefits, the collective nature of traditional knowledge and belief ought to be taken into account and the traditional rights of such shared knowledge should be acknowledged.

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